Criminal justice, human rights, and COVID-19 - a comparative study of measures taken in five African countries: Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia (SOE & SOD) 13 October 2021
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This report covers four cross-cutting topics based on a survey undertaken of five African countries (Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia) By L Muntingh, J Mangwanda, K Petersen & J Redpath
How to make best use of scarce resources in the criminal justice system. Report by Jean Redpath
Delegation of the prosecutorial function to state entities: Expanding prosecution of neglected crimes, 3 September 2021
Delegations of the prosecutorial function to state entities: Expanding prosecution of neglected crimes. Report by Jean Redpath
A growing number of African countries are considering passing or implementing reforms that include some form of decentralisation. There is thus a demand for clear and accessible materials that would assist policymakers, practitioners, students and members of the public to better understand the various concepts and mechanisms associated with decentralisation. A few countries on the continent are considering or implementing federalism, while many more are weighing up or are already implementing decentralised systems of government.
ACJR submission to the National Preventive Mechanism Draft Discussion Paper 2020: The role of Civil Society in the work of the NPM , 23 October 2020.
This is a Submission by ACJR on the Judicial Inspectorate for Correctional Services Draft Bill
Submission by the Dullah Omar Institute at the University of the Western Cape on ‘The Contribution of SOE's to Vision 2030: case studies of Eskom, Transnet and PRASA’, 30 June 2020
ACJR Submission to the City of Cape Town on the draft Streets, Public Places and the Prevention of Public Noise Nuisances Amendment By‐law, 2021
Submission by Africa Criminal Justice Reform (ACJR) to the Constitutional Review Committee | June 2021
Appointing Directors to the Boards of State-Owned Enterprises: A proposed framework to assess suitability
Africa’s prisons are a long-standing concern for rights defenders given the prevalence of rights abuses, overcrowding, poor conditions of detention and the extent to which the criminal justice system is used to target the poor. The paper surveys 24 southern and east African countries within the context of COVID-19. Between 5 March and 15 April 2020 COVID-19 had spread to 23 southern and east African countries, except Lesotho. The overwhelming majority of these countries imposed general restrictions on their populations from March 2020 and nearly all restricted visits to prisons to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic and government responses demonstrated the importance of reliable and up to date data on the prison population, and any confined population, as it became evident that such information is sorely lacking. The World Health Organization recommended the release of prisoners to ease congestion, a step supported by the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture. However, the lack of data and the particular African context pose some questions about the desirability of such a move. The curtailment of prison visits by external persons also did away with independent oversight even in states parties to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT). In the case of South Africa, prison monitors were not listed in the ensuing legislation as part of essential services and thus were excluded from access to prisons. In the case of Mozambique, it was funding being placed on hold by the donor community that prevented the Human Rights Commission from visiting prisons. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted long-standing systemic problems in Africa’s prisons. Yet African states have remained remarkably reluctant to engage in prison reform, despite the fact that poorly managed prisons pose a significant threat to general public health care.
This book explores recent developments, constraints and opportunities relating to the advancement of sexual and reproductive health and rights in Africa.
Democratic policing, as opposed to regime policing, must meet at least three requirements: there is democratic accountability of and for the police; the police adhere to the rule of law; and the police behave in a manner that is procedurally fair in service of the public. The article presents a conceptual framework of nine dimensions applicable to different contexts with a view to facilitate policies and practices towards democratic policing. It is argued that the ultimate result being sought is a legitimate police service. If legitimacy is the result, then trust is the outcome preceding it. Legitimacy is dependent on the public’s trust that State power will be used in the public interest. Public trust therefore fulfils an important legitimising function. Levels of trust in the police are driven by the police’s ability and performance record with reference to three outputs: objectivity, empathy and responsivity. The latter three outputs flow from five input variables, namely: knowledge of what works in creating a safer society from a policing perspective; rights-based policing; accountability of the policing (inclusive of transparency); efficiency and effectiveness of resource utilisation; and the police as citizens also entitled to rights and protections. The utility of the conceptual framework lies in providing a coherent and linked-up view to analyse police organisations and support the development of reform proposals.
Report by J Mangwanda with L Muntingh, T Lorizzo, K Petersen and J Redpath
Report by J Redpath with L Muntingh, T Lorizzo, K Petersen and J Mangwanda
Report by T Lorizzo & V Petrovic with L Muntingh, J Redpath, K Petersen and J Mangwanda
Report by K Petersen with L Muntingh, T Lorizzo, J Redpath and J Mangwanda
Report by K Petersen & J Mangwanda with L Muntingh, T Lorizzo, and J Redpath
This paper explores the relationship between the provinces and the NPA by looking at the legal framework as well as a few case studies and examples of cooperation that have emerged. Recommendations are made for a way forward. Report by Lukas Muntingh
Coalition governments across South Africa's municipalities have mostly been unstable. Are there any mechanisms or rules that can be adopted to facilitate stability in coalition governments? Does the law need to be reformed to accommodate coalition governments in local government? How can existing structures in local government be used to structure coalition governments in a way that parties are encouraged to cooperate in the coalition? This paper discusses coalition governments in municipalities and offers insight into these questions.
From 14–16 September 2020, the Regional Campaign to Decriminalise Petty Offences in Africa co-hosted with the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), an online conference to discuss the impact of measures to combat the spread of COVID-19 on poor and marginalised people. The conference brought together over 200 participants, and panelists shared both continent-wide perspectives, as well as country-specific examples from the Central African Republic, Guinea, Kenya, Malawi, Morocco, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tunisia and Uganda. The conference report is attached here for ease of reference. For more information on the campaign, please go to https://pettyoffences.org/
The Parliamentary Monitoring Group and the Dullah Omar Institute’s overall intention with this project is to support transparency and public access to information. We did this by assessing how often parliamentary committees rely on requests for information in addition to that which is presented or provided to committees during the public space of a meeting; to try to assess the extent to which departments comply with these requests; and to see how available these documents are to the public. The research concludes that the systems and processes to ensure that such additional requested information is both provided to committees by departments and made available to the public require urgent attention. Otherwise, the effect is that the Executive responses to Committees oversight questions are never made public. This is the equivalent of an ‘in camera’ meeting.
Esta folha informativa discute o policiamento democrático como significando: (1) a obediência da Polícia ao Estado de Direito, (2) a responsabilização da Polícia, e (3) a justiça processual por parte da Polícia ao serviço do público. Nove dimensões necessárias ao policiamento democrático são identificadas, sendo que o resultado final pretendido é a confiança pública na Polícia, algo que resulta da sua legitimidade. O quadro conceptual apresentado não se destina apenas a descrever o policiamento democrático, mas também a orientar o planeamento estratégico nas organizações policiais, incluindo a Polícia da República de Moçambique (PRM).

